>> NARRATOR: Tonight━
>> You'll remember he
came to the United
States and was lauded,
literally, from coast to coast.
>> NARRATOR: FRONTLINE takes a
hard look at Saudi Arabia's
Prince Mohammed Bin Salman.
>> The Trump White House had
chosen its Saudi friend and that
was MBS.
>> NARRATOR: He was embraced as
a reformer...
>> He sold himself,
he sold his vision.
>> People were mesmerized.
>> NARRATOR: ...but there was
another side.
>> There were dissidents who
were tortured.
>> They want to put them into a
position where they're
completely broken and silenced.
>> Princes and big
businesspeople put under
constant observation.
>> He seemed to get more hyper,
more intense, more committed to
going after his enemies the more
powerful he became.
>> NARRATOR: And then the brutal
murder of a journalist.
>> Khashogghi was interrogated,
tortured and murdered.
>> Did the regime kill Jamal
Khashoggi?
>> NARRATOR: FRONTLINE
correspondent Martin Smith
investigates...
>> Even the president
said, "This is the
worst cover-up I've ever seen.”
>> NARRATOR: Tonight on
FRONTLINE-
“The Crown Prince of
Saudi Arabia”.
♪ ♪
(whistle blowing distantly)
(man speaking Arabic)
>> MARTIN SMITH: It is December
2018.
It's been less than three months
since the murder and
dismemberment of journalist
Jamal Khashoggi.
But just outside of Riyadh,
Saudi leaders and some of their
friends are gathered for a
celebration.
(laughter)
Featured is a big electric-car
race, intended to showcase the
kinds of reforms underway here.
(whistles blowing, horns
honking)
I have managed to get
into the royal box.
There's Adel al-Jubeir, Saudi
Arabia's foreign minister at the
time; Mohammed al-Sheikh, a
former World Bank lawyer and now
a minister of state;
multibillionaire Prince
al-Waleed bin Talal, among the
world's richest men.
And over there is Norman Roule,
a former senior C.I.A. official.
He's talking to the world's
largest private collector of
Rembrandts, Thomas Kaplan.
And of course there's
distinguished royalty-- the
powerful Mohammed bin Zayed,
Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi;
Princess Reema, now Saudi
Arabia's ambassador to the U.S.;
His Royal Highness Prince Khalid
bin Salman, now deputy minister
of defense; and, his big
brother, the crown prince
himself, Mohammed bin Salman.
>> I hope I will do that, but if
I do that I would be...
>> SMITH: I came here to
understand who he is and where
he is taking Saudi Arabia.
I especially wanted to speak to
him about the Khashoggi murder.
But we'll come back to that
later.
>> Now, no, but in the first we
have, we have zero...
>> SMITH: For now, His Royal
Highness just wants to watch the
race below.
>> Second car.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: He wants to put the
murder behind him.
♪ ♪
(horn blows)
(ship's horn blows)
♪ ♪
Much is already known about that
day last October, when Jamal
Khashoggi and his fiancée took a
taxi to the Saudi consulate in
Istanbul.
He entered just after 1:00 p.m.
to pick up some paperwork they
needed for their wedding.
But when the office closed and
Khashoggi had not
emerged, word spread.
>> Here I was, looking at my
Twitter feed, and somebody I
follow, who is close to Jamal,
saying that Jamal Khashoggi went
into the Saudi consulate in
Istanbul and he has, he has not
gone out.
And I remember retweeting that
message, saying, "WTH," what the
heck?
>> A prominent Saudi journalist
disappeared in Instanbul.
>> Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi
Arabian citizen and U.S....
>> SMITH: At the time, Khashoggi
was a regular contributor to the
"Washington Post" and had
written many pieces critical of
the crown prince.
>> He was last seen entering the
Saudi consulate in Istanbul,
Turkey.
>> Jamal Khashoggi hasn't been
seen since.
>> I was baffled by the idea
that he could walk into a
consulate and disappear.
I couldn't understand who would
do that, because even if you
wanted to kill a dissident, or
someone that you felt was a
dissident, why would you do it
in your own consulate?
You lose plausible deniability.
>> The mystery deepens tonight
over the fate of Jamal
Khashoggi.
>> The Saudi government claims
that Jamal Khashoggi entered the
consulate and left shortly
afterwards.
>> Even among Saudis themselves,
people were shocked by it.
He's not a political opposition.
He didn't ever call for ousting
the regime.
So it's something that was...
very much unprecedented.
>> A Turkish newspaper claimed
officials had an audio recording
of Khashoggi being tortured...
>> ...and a dozen Saudi agents
murdered Khashoggi in the
consulate.
>> Khashoggi's body was carved
up into little pieces.
>> It's one thing to know that
he'd been kidnapped.
It was another thing to know not
only had he been killed, but
he'd been tortured.
For anybody that you've known
for a long time to end that way,
it just... just didn't seem
right.
>> Saudi Arabia is scrambling to
carry out damage control.
>> The crown prince himself is
the principal suspect.
>> This is a man who we've been
trying to understand and cope
with.
Is he a modernizer or a tyrant?
>> Prince Mohammed bin Salman is
now facing greater scrutiny than
ever before.
So who is the man in charge of
Saudi Arabia?
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Our story begins with
Prince Mohammed's father, Salman
bin Abdulaziz Al Saud.
He was born in 1935 and is
believed to be the 25th son of
the kingdom's founder.
He was appointed governor of
Riyadh at a young age, a
position he held for almost half
a century.
It was a time of extraordinary
change.
>> Salman as governor of Riyadh
literally turned a small desert
town into a thriving city.
There were maybe a 100,000
people living in Riyadh when he
became governor back in the
1960s.
Today it's somewhere around
seven or eight million people.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: It was during this
period of growth that young
Mohammed bin Salman, born in
1985, grew up.
But little is known about his
early years or why his father
favored him.
He had many sons.
He picked this particular son,
the oldest of his third
marriage-- Why?
>> I understand that the crown
prince and the king have spent
an awful lot of time together.
And they have a similar way of
looking at the world.
(bin Salman speaking Arabic)
(applause)
The king appeared to groom him
to share his view on issues such
as corruption, the duties of
the royal family, and the
responsibilities to sustain the
Al Saud kingdom.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Most young royals
study abroad at some point.
Not Prince Mohammed.
He remained in Riyadh, by his
father's side, through high
school and college.
>> As I understand it, once he
graduated he was employed by his
father, working-- and I assume,
learning from from that work--
when his father was the
governor.
>> Apparently that's what he did
for some years, was attend all
of his father's meetings and
make himself useful.
>> SMITH: Mohammed's father,
while governor, had the
responsibility of settling
disputes within the royal
family.
>> So everybody who had a
problem with a rival prince or
had a-a dispute, they will go to
him.
And he was known to be very,
very strict, in terms of
disciplining princes.
>> He was known, for instance,
to discipline people that he
didn't like, including
physically slapping people.
>> He was, according to the
stories, famous for calling in
princes who refused to pay bank
loans and putting them in a
rather luxurious villa and
pressuring them to pay what
they owed, and they did.
>> And everything that was
buried in the closet, he knew
about it.
And he had helped sweep it under
or get rid of it or fix it or
whatever.
Those files, of course, he has
now transferred entirely over to
his son, who has all of that
information going back
literally a half a century.
This gives them enormous
influence within the House of
Saud, because they know every
peccadillo, every fault that
every member of the family has
had.
(indistinct conversation)
>> SMITH: In 2015, upon the
death of his predecessor,
Salman, at age 79, became king.
He acted quickly to move his son
Prince Mohammed into the line of
succession.
First, Prince Muqrin, his
predecessor's choice for crown
prince, was quickly removed.
>> No explanation was ever
offered.
He was just removed and
replaced by the then-deputy
crown prince, Mohammed bin
Nayef.
Mohammed bin Nayef was a known
quantity to the Central
Intelligence Agency, MI6, to
every intelligence service
around the world.
>> SMITH: And MBS is moved up
behind him?
>> Right.
>> SMITH: MBS or, Mohammed bin
Salman, was now second in line
to the throne.
He was 29.
>> The Saudi system is an
absolute monarchy.
The king's will is absolute.
And King Salman decided that MBS
is going to be his successor.
He shared his views, which are
very aggressive, for instance,
on Iran.
He also has a toughness that I
think the king didn't see in
others.
>> SMITH: What do you mean by
toughness?
>> An ability to use coercive
power, if necessary, against
domestic enemies and-and
regional enemies.
I think the king has a view that
Saudi Arabia is a country that
cannot be ruled, you know, with
kid gloves.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: MBS wasted little time
in putting his toughness on
display.
Freshly appointed minister of
defense, he went on the
offensive in neighboring Yemen.
♪ ♪
>> Allahu Akbar!
(explosion)
>> A new offensive to drive out
Iranian-backed rebels who seized
control of the capital and key
military sites.
>> SMITH: The Houthi rebels in
Yemen were advancing with
support from Saudi Arabia's
archenemy, Iran.
♪ ♪
For MBS, this was an urgent
national-security threat.
>> Officials say the Saudi
campaign was quickly planned,
catching top U.S. military
commanders off-guard.
>> SMITH: He went ahead, giving
the Obama administration little
notice.
>> Suddenly, MBS comes, and he
says, "I'll define our
national-security interests
almost independently."
It's not this risk-averse Saudi
Arabia that we had gotten used
to.
♪ ♪
(explosions, screaming)
(siren blaring)
>> SMITH: Some elders in the
royal family were said to have
opposed the offensive, believing
it was rash-- Crown Prince bin
Nayef among them.
But young Prince Mohammed
prevailed.
It became known as MBS's war.
>> And there was a groundswell
of young Saudis that it was
like, "Go, Mohammed, go."
This is the first time that
Saudi Arabia had ever fought
in a war like this outside of
their own borders.
And it was hugely popular,
because the way that he framed
it was, "Quick, in and out.
We'll fix it, done."
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Among the most ardent
supporters of the Yemen campaign
was this man.
I, I toast you.
>> Whoa.
>> SMITH: Jamal Khashoggi.
>> It is coffee that roasted
lightly with cardamom.
>> SMITH: Ah, with cardamom.
And when you drink coffee in
Saudi Arabia, where is the
coffee from?
Is it from Africa?
>> Originally from Yemen, Al
Mokha.
>> SMITH: I asked him why the
rush to war in Yemen was
necessary, especially in light
of reports of many civilian
casualties.
>> If Saudi Arabia waited for
Mr. Obama to approve an
intervention in Yemen, Yemen
would have been gone and lost
long time ago.
It would be controlled by the
Iranians and the Houthi.
So we did not wait for Mr.
Obama's approval.
And I think that empowers Saudi
Arabia.
>> SMITH: Is Saudi Arabia
committing human-rights abuses
in its bombing campaign?
>> Look, for Saudi Arabia, it is
a 1939 moment.
>> SMITH: So you're comparing
Iran to Nazi Germany?
>> Yes.
In Saudi Arabia, we are at that
moment.
We either accept Iranian
hegemony, control over Yemen and
over our destiny, or freedom.
>> Let's get more on the Saudi
position.
I'm joined by Jamal Khashoggi.
>> SMITH: At the time, Khashoggi
was not a big critic of the
regime.
>> Jamal Khashoggi, welcome back
to the program.
>> SMITH: He was, for the most
part, a pro-government voice.
>> Jamal was a journalist, an
analyst, but also a client of
the Saudi government.
>> SMITH: An insider?
>> An in... absolutely an
insider.
>> Is Saudi Arabia breaking
diplomatically...
>> He's someone you went to to
understand the politics of the
country.
>> The irony of things that we
are almost in total agreement...
>> To understand the
relationship with Islamism.
>> Blowing up himself, that is
totally absurd in Islam.
>> He had always worked for one
prince or another, was
extremely close to Prince Turki
al-Faisal, for instance.
>> He was spokesman for the
embassy in London and then in
Washington when I was ambassador
in both.
>> SMITH: Right.
Was he ever somebody, did he
complain about the Kingdom?
>> Jamal always had ideas,
and-and he was very-very open
with those ideas.
(Khashoggi and Faisal speaking
Arabic)
He was boisterous.
He had a good sense of humor,
sometimes laughing at himself,
sometimes laughing with others.
And he was a very professional
journalist.
>> Let's get another
perspective, now, from Saudi
journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
>> SMITH: In those days
Khashoggi was especially
enthusiastic about MBS when he
talked about the need for
reform.
>> And he is seen as a savior by
young Saudis and-and by me.
>> The fact that you have a new
king and a young advisor, in the
person of Mohammed bin Salman,
that gave hope to Jamal.
>> SMITH: In 2016, after meeting
with MBS, Khashoggi made a point
of tweeting this.
It's the only photograph we've
seen of the two of them
together.
(boys speaking Arabic, shouting)
I've been coming to Saudi Arabia
for many years.
Over that time I witnessed very
little change.
But in recent years I've been
surprised.
(band playing music)
One night in March 2017, I was
invited to an art studio.
(band continues playing)
(people clapping rhythmically)
Young men were gathered for an
evening of music.
This was unusual in a place like
Riyadh, where performances like
this had long been banned by
Saudi clerics.
(oud playing)
In the past, hosting an evening
like this could lead to arrests.
MBS put an end to that.
(man singing in Arabic)
(singing continues)
(men singing along)
(instruments playing)
(man singing)
Many Saudis knew that the
country needed to change both
culturally and economically.
For years Saudi Arabia has
derived most all of its income
from oil sales.
But oil prices have been
falling, the private sector is
weak, and youth unemployment is
high.
(car horn honking)
>> In Saudi Arabia there was
very little change, the economy
was highly inefficient, women
played no role.
There was a tremendous amount of
corruption.
It was in exactly the sort of
place you would expect if you
had a government run by elderly
men ruling by consensus.
♪ ♪
>> Every single developmental
plan-- and these started in the
late '60s, early '70s-- had two
main sentences in it:
diversing the economy away from
oil and less dependence on oil
revenues for the government.
>> SMITH: It's always been the
case, you've always pushed for
that, and you've never gotten
there.
>> We've always pushed for that,
we've always talked about that.
But we were never able to
achieve that.
This time we were doing
something.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: The king gave MBS full
rein.
It was ambitious beyond anything
Saudi Arabia had attempted
before.
(bin Salman speaking Arabic):
>> SMITH: MBS's plan was to
import Western technology,
Western entertainment, and to
open up the notoriously closed
Kingdom to become a world-class
tourist destination.
>> The crown prince, he has an
imagination that I have never
experienced anybody with.
I'm about 17 years older
than he is, but I really look
up to him as a leader.
(applause)
>> SMITH: Many who met the young
prince were initially impressed.
>> He was confident,
charismatic, decisive, with a
vision-- not a plan, but a
broad sort of, "There's the
lighthouse, I have to get to."
>> SMITH: You thought he was a
good thing.
>> I thought he was a-a good
thing.
You did say, "I'm dealing with a
different kind of Saudi than
anything I've ever seen."
>> SMITH: Mohammed bin Salman
planned to finance his Vision
2030 by taking Saudi Arabia's
oil giant, Saudi ARAMCO public,
in an I.P.O.
>> The biggest investment banks
in the world have been
salivating over the prospects.
(bin Salman speaking Arabic):
>> SMITH: To expand the economy,
he also needed to introduce some
major social reforms.
>> He stops the religious police
from having the right to arrest
anyone in public for alleged
infringement against public
morality.
Women, for instance, were often
targeted for not being
appropriately dressed.
Religious police can no longer
do anything.
>> Now you go to the malls, and
you're relaxed.
Total segregation that was in
place in this society is
cracking down.
We were hidden, basically, for a
very long time, you know, just
work in very traditional jobs,
and within the family
protection.
So now we're coming out in every
aspect.
>> SMITH: And you credit
Prince Mohammed?
>> For all this.
For all this.
And-and actually King Salman.
>> Reforming the
religious-cultural space,
integrating women-- these are
historic things that leaders
were unable to do over
the last 50 years.
>> SMITH: Out of these changes
would come a new Saudi identity.
>> As they have reined in the
religious police, Mohammed bin
Salman and the people around
him have de-emphasized religion.
And in its place has been this
idea of, that nationalism is
most important.
>> This hyper-nationalist
narrative that Saudi Arabia is
great...
(bin Salman):
>> It is in line of what is
happening around the world.
A new generation of leaders are
using the same language and the
same rhetoric.
(applause, interviewer speaking)
>> SMITH: MBS, not his father
the king or Crown Prince Bin
Nayef, became the emblem of that
new Saudi Arabia both here
and abroad.
(cheering, man speaking Arabic)
(man speaking Arabic)
But all the changes did not mean
that Saudi Arabia would become
more politically open or
tolerant.
>> He looked like a very
pro-Western, pro-technology guy.
What I think was never properly
interrogated was what kind of
political system did he have in
mind.
>> SMITH: Politically minded
Saudis didn't quite know what to
expect.
But for them, economic and
social changes would be
meaningless without real
political reform.
(Yahya al-Assiri):
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Yahya al-Assiri is a
prominent human rights activist.
I met him at a conference he
organized of Saudis in London.
(Assiri):
>> SMITH: In recent years
increasing numbers of Saudis
have left the country--
writers, academics, and
activists of all kinds.
>> The main thing we're calling
for is we want freedom of
speech, freedom of assembly,
freedom of movement where the
people can have the right of
self-determination.
(speaking Arabic):
>> SMITH: What kind of a man is
Mohammed bin Salman?
>> Mohammed bin Salman...
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: In March 2017
Mohammed bin Salman agreed to
meet with me in his office at
Riyadh's Irqah palace.
I wanted to talk to him about
political reforms.
But when I got there, he talked
mostly about his economic plans
and the new U.S. president,
Donald Trump.
I asked for an on-camera
interview.
He said he wasn't quite ready.
The next day, I was surprised to
receive a text.
(phone dings)
(horn honks)
♪ ♪
Meanwhile, Jamal Khashoggi
continued to be sought after as
a commentator.
After America's 2016 election,
he video conferenced in to a
U.S. think tank from the Middle
East.
>> Thank you, thank you for
inviting me.
I'm sure Saudi Arabian officials
were caught off-guard by the
election of Mr. Trump...
>> SMITH: His comments weren't
especially negative, just
cautionary.
>> If we had difficulties with
somebody like Mr. Obama, I'm
sure we will have more
difficulties with-with Mr.
Trump.
>> He was advising Gulf
governments, including Saudi
Arabia, not to put all their
eggs in Trump's basket.
>> The more chaos we have in the
region, the more...
>> But rather to diversify their
relations.
>> Mr. Trump has to choose.
He cannot be critical of the
Iran nuclear program and not see
the chaos they are creating.
It is not just...
>> SMITH: It is not clear if he
realized he had crossed a red
line.
But he had.
In very clear terms, he told
friends and colleagues, Saudi
authorities ordered him to no
longer write or tweet or appear
on TV.
>> This speech in particular was
seen by Mohammed bin Salman
as likely to be interpreted
as being anti-Trump and his
inner circle.
>> SMITH: So, "Don't get between
me and the Trump
administration."
>> Yes.
(horns blowing fanfare)
>> SMITH: The importance of
Donald Trump to the Saudis was
made abundantly clear in the way
they greeted him in Riyadh in
May 2017.
>> The grandeur of this welcome
is so different from past
presidents.
>> Really just showing how
excited this country is that
President Trump has chosen Saudi
Arabia to make his first stop.
>> It's a huge coup for MBS and
King Salman.
(band playing "Star Spangled
Banner")
In that it's able to bring the
most powerful person in the
world to Saudi Arabia and to
rekindle the strategic alliance
that had frayed under President
Obama.
So for MBS, this is a massive
victory.
(band playing)
>> SMITH: The Saudis used the
trip to influence the president
on a variety of issues.
>> And the Saudis knew how to
play Donald Trump.
They'd seen this kind of person
before, in many ways he's kind
of a mirror image of many Saudi
princes.
>> Everywhere you look there are
posters welcoming Donald Trump.
>> You put his picture up on big
posters on the side of
skyscrapers.
>> Pretty amazing welcome
ceremony that President Trump is
receiving...
>> You put on the sword dance.
(drums beating, men singing)
You put on a big display.
(playing bagpipes)
>> King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al
Saud confers King Abdulaziz
Medal on President Donald Trump.
(applause)
>> You play to his ego, and he
will do what you want him to do.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: What the Saudis wanted
from Trump was U.S. help in
beating back Iran and
supporting Saudi ambitions to
become the dominant player in
the Middle East.
In return, MBS made promises to
help Trump and his son-in-law
Jared Kushner resolve the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
>> Mohammed bin Salman would
tell people, "I see a Middle
East that's going to include
Israel.
I'm prepared to recognize
Israel, have trade relationships
with Israel."
And I think that was very
seductive to the Trump
administration and at the
centerpiece of the-the peace
plan that Kushner kept trying to
push.
>> The president and his top
aides taking steps to solidify
relations with the Muslim world.
>> To give credit to Mohammed
bin Salman of his many
sought-after accomplishments,
the grooming and wooing of
Donald Trump has to be pretty
close to the top.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: During the visit,
Trump agreed to an arms deal
worth over $100 billion.
>> We signed historic agreements
with the Kingdom.
And we will be sure to help our
Saudi friends to get a good deal
from our great American defense
companies.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: For the Saudis, the
trip was a great triumph.
They had been reassured that
Trump had their back.
♪ ♪
At the exact same time Trump was
in Riyadh, I was in Yemen.
The war was in its third year.
♪ ♪
The Saudis, with U.S. military
assistance, were continuing
their air campaign.
The Iranian-backed Houthi rebels
were not retreating.
But Prince Mohammed was-- as he
told me-- confident that with
just a little more time he could
win here.
>> We heard bombs and we can
afraid, things...
>> Big boom, like that.
>> I see the boys of my neighbor
has died.
And blood on the floor.
>> SMITH: I visited a Yemeni
refugee camp.
(woman speaking Arabic):
>> SMITH: Why are the Saudis
doing this?
(woman 1):
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Then with the war in
Yemen at a stalemate, and within
weeks of Trump's trip to
the region, MBS launched
a new foreign policy adventure
against another neighbor--
the very rich nation of Qatar.
>> Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the
U.A.E., among others, broke off
diplomatic contact...
>> SMITH: For years the Saudis
had accused the Qataris of
financing terrorist groups and
being soft on Iran.
Now MBS chose to act.
>> Within a night, Saudi Arabia
cut trading routes,
transportation into Qatar.
They severed diplomatic
relations.
It was a demand for total
capitulation, turning Qatar into
a vassal state.
It was a very brutal move.
>> Countries blockading this
nation has sent Qatar a 13-point
list of demands...
>> Qatar has been asked to curb
diplomatic and trade relations
with Iran.
>> SMITH: Among their demands
was that Qatar shut down its
giant, state-owned broadcasting
network, Al Jazeera.
>> Saudi Arabia doesn't see why
tiny countries like Qatar should
have this disproportionate say
in the region.
So this time, they went for the
jugular.
>> The Qataris have pushed
incitement and extremism through
their media platforms in order
to destabilize countries.
This is why we are saying to the
Qataris, "Enough is enough.
This has got to stop if you want
to have normal relations with
us."
>> SMITH: Trump tweeted his
support of the Saudis, seeming
to agree with them that Qatar
was funding terrorism.
"So good to see the Saudi Arabia
visit... already paying off.
Perhaps this will be the
beginning of the end to horror
of terrorism!"
♪ ♪
What Trump seemed to have
forgotten is that Qatar is a
major U.S. ally that hosts the
largest American military base
in the Middle East.
Trump tried to negotiate a
settlement, but the Qataris
would not cave to Saudi demands.
>> To the benefit of the
Qataris, they have a tremendous
amount of financial resources.
They have learned to live
without their neighbors.
They have weathered the
blockade without any kind of
major economic problems.
They, in fact, have prospered.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: But MBS refused to
lift the boycott.
>> He wants to be the most
important leader who decides on
policies of the region.
It's the desire, I think, by MBS
to be the dominant regional
figure.
>> SMITH: MBS was also
determined to be the dominant
decision-maker at home.
One man stood in his way: Crown
Prince Mohammed bin Nayef.
♪ ♪
On the night of June 20, two
weeks after the attack on Qatar,
bin Nayef was summoned by the
king.
Saudi TV broadcast this
carefully choreographed scene.
(bin Nayef):
(bin Salman):
>> Essentially, what MBS did was
to break the personality and
power of MBN as chief rival,
humiliate him, and then make a
show of kissing Mohammed bin
Nayef's ring, as if he was
being submissive.
(bin Nayef and bin Salman):
>> Mohammed bin Nayef went along
with this little bit of
choreography only to be moved
into, effectively, house arrest.
Now, it's a nice house, it's a
palace.
But he's held there
incommunicado under essentially
palace arrest.
>> The former crown prince was
in charge of Saudi Arabia's
security services, he has been
relieved of all position.
>> SMITH: Within hours of the
news, Trump called Mohammed bin
Salman to congratulate him.
>> Mohammed bin Nayef may have
been the C.I.A.'s best friend,
but he wasn't Donald Trump's
best friend, let alone Jared
Kushner's.
The Trump White House had chosen
its Saudi friend and that, and
that was MBS.
♪ ♪
(man shouting command)
>> SMITH: Overnight, MBS had
engineered a hugely successful
maneuver.
As you understood it-- and
you're close to the Saudis--
how did you understand the need
to oust Mohammed bin Nayef?
>> My sense is that the-the
urgency that the king and the
crown prince felt as to the need
for changes in the Kingdom's
economic and political structure
was such that it compelled them
to make that decision.
(soldiers shouting)
>> SMITH: With Mohammed bin
Nayef removed, the new crown
prince, MBS, was now firmly in
charge.
>> He became the guy running the
Royal Court.
He became the defense minister.
And he had also taken over
effective control of the
Interior Ministry from Crown
Prince Mohammed bin Nayef.
The whole ball of wax was now in
the hands of one man in a way
that was really unprecedented.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Saudis were already
getting a peek at what MBS's
reforms would look like.
(riders screaming happily)
This fun zone had opened inside
a Riyadh mall.
Along with all the rides and
shops is a big multiplex movie
theater showing all the latest
features.
Cinemas were banned for decades.
But now MBS's plan was to open
350 theaters across the Kingdom.
(riders screaming happily)
What people weren't seeing at
the time was the
behind-the-scenes effort to
control how much freedom would
be allowed.
♪ ♪
>> The changes in the Kingdom
were going to unleash several
different pressures.
First, you were going to have
thousands of religious police
who would say, "I oppose this."
You would inevitably also have
thousands of other Saudis, who
would say, "I want far more than
you're willing to give."
I think the Saudis made a
decision that they needed to
somehow, somehow manage that.
(indistinct conversation)
>> SMITH: In Saudi Arabia, two
thirds of the country is under
30, with the largest population
of Twitter users in the Middle
East.
>> Saudi was a Twitter country.
You know, they expressed
themselves on Twitter.
They used to call it the Saudi
Congress.
And Twitter was fairly open.
>> SMITH: But when MBS became
crown prince, that would change.
>> MBS began to realize that
shaping the debate on Twitter,
manipulating the debate,
intrusively watching what people
were writing and thinking, was
going to be part of how he would
control power.
(street noises, children
talking)
>> I think it would be a while
before Saudis understood what
was happening, that the entire
landscape of Twitter in Saudi
Arabia was shifting from this
open platform where people felt
comfortable to express opinions
to something that was more like
an instrument of oppression.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: MBS would pick a
close aide, Saud al-Qahtani, to
police Twitter.
Over time MBS would rely on him
to do much more.
(man speaking Arabic)
That's him at a large
software-development competition
that he organized in Jeddah.
>> Saudi Federation for
Cybersecurity and Programming,
you are officially amazing.
Congratulations.
(applause)
>> Mohammed bin Salman saw in
him the kind of Saudi who's
interested in high-tech, who
knows social media, who can
promote, you know, Mohammed bin
Salman's profile and visions and
ideas through this medium.
(applause)
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Qahtani had one of the
most influential Twitter
accounts in the Kingdom.
He is also a poet who has
composed verse about the royal
family.
(man singing):
>> He is very sharp, very witty,
knows quite a lot about local
culture, and knows all the
journalists, knows all the
intellectuals.
And he's very competent.
In other words, if you task him
with something, he will work
very hard, very disciplined, and
he will do it.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: One of the things he
was tasked to do was to
influence opinion on Twitter
through hundreds of real or
automated fake accounts, or
bots.
A cybersecurity expert who has
tracked Saudi digital operations
is Bill Marczak.
>> Saud al-Qahtani, he used a
couple of aliases that people
were able to trace.
And they found him, you know,
active on hacker forums,
bragging about his abilities to
create Twitter bots and
influence the social media
discourse.
♪ ♪
So you say, "Oh, well, look, all
the tweets, like, 80% of the
tweets on this hashtag are
pro-MBS.
Hmm, maybe all of Saudi is
pro-MBS."
But in reality, no, there's
only a few dozen people behind
that.
>> SMITH: Qahtani also used
Twitter to go after critics,
like Saad al-Faqih.
>> SMITH: Faqih has been living
in exile for decades.
Three times a week, he records a
broadcast for his YouTube
channel out of an improvised
basement studio in North London.
>> SMITH: People like Faqih
could be bombarded with scores
of insults, and sometimes
threats, in the space of a few
hours.
Qahtani's electronic force
became known as an "Army of
Flies."
>> Saud al-Qahtani, he has got
an army.
Their job is to face the
computer and either write tweets
or write comments on YouTube,
write comments on Facebook.
These comments are directed by
him or by his team, either to
promote the regime or to write
things against what we write.
>> SMITH: What's the nature of
these comments?
>> That is the nature.
The nature is that "Mohammed
bin Salman is a great man.
Mohammed bin Salman is a hero.
And Dr. al-Faqih, Mr.
So-and-so are all traitors."
>> SMITH: Is it effective in
discrediting you?
>> It's not effective in terms
of discrediting, but it is
effective in terms of
intimidation.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: The Saudis may have
even infiltrated Twitter.
♪ ♪
In 2015 Western intelligence
officials learned that the
Saudis had developed ties with a
Twitter engineer.
According to three sources who
spoke to "The New York Times,"
they "persuaded him to peer
into several user accounts."
Twitter alerted al-Faqih that he
may have been among those
targeted.
>> We found out that there was
an investigation into this
Saudi individual actually being
a mole of sorts inside Twitter
for the Royal Court.
>> So being someone inside
Twitter, this employee could
allegedly access private
details of accounts.
>> SMITH: And that could be
valuable in terms of identifying
a network of activists, let's
say?
>> Absolutely.
I think to a large extent they
sort of know who the activists
are.
But what are they saying?
What are they planning?
What-what's going to happen
next?
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: The suspected mole was
inside Twitter for around two
years.
How unusual is it for Twitter to
have a mole inside the company,
downloading private messages
and-and taking profile
information?
>> Well, it's the first case
we've heard of something like
this.
This was the first time that
Twitter had ever sent out one of
these, you know, state-sponsored
threat messages, saying, "Oh,
some nation-state is-is trying
to access your account."
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Although there was no
evidence that he shared
information with the Saudi
government, Twitter, with no
public comment, fired the
engineer, Ali Alzabarah.
We were unable to reach him.
>> He has left the United
States, and he is now inside
Saudi Arabia, working in an
affiliated organization to the
Royal Court.
>> SMITH: While at the royal
court's media office, Qahtani
also created a special hashtag
on Twitter.
It started as a register of all
those opposed to Prince
Mohammed's Qatar boycott.
But it grew to become much more.
The official hashtag is
Blacklist.
Every name on it will be looked
into.
♪ ♪
>> The blacklist invites every
citizen of Saudi Arabia to
become an accomplice in
identifying a person to be put
on blacklist.
Whether it is a policy to open
up the economy, whether it is
about women's driving, or
simply about his position on the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
You might have a dispute with
someone.
You might actually inform the
authorities that they are
critical of the regime.
And this is, basically, the
deepest point in repression,
when it sinks so much that it
makes citizens its own arm in
controlling the population.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: A specific blacklist
was put together to target
journalists.
Saudis learned about it on Saudi
state TV.
>> On that blacklist were people
who Qahtani thought were
speaking against the crown
prince, speaking against
existing power structure in
Saudi Arabia.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: As the blacklist
expanded, Qahtani made sure
everyone knew who was directing
him.
"Do you think I'm acting on my
own whim?
I am a civil servant and a
faithful executioner of the
orders of the King and the Crown
Prince."
>> Interesting thing about MBS
is that you'd think with all the
power that he'd consolidated, he
would have begun to relax.
The opposite happened.
He seemed to get more hyper,
more intense, more committed to
going after his-his enemies,
the-the more powerful he became.
>> Your target may be outside
your monitoring domain.
Is passive monitoring enough?
You need more.
>> SMITH: The Royal Court also
reached out to an Italian
surveillance outfit, Hacking
Team.
>> You have to hack your target.
Exactly what we do.
>> SMITH: Companies that sell
hacking and tracking software to
governments who want to spy on
their citizens is a
multimillion-dollar business.
>> Rely on us.
>> SMITH: Hacking Team received
an email from a Saudi address
in 2015.
"Considering your esteemed
reputation and professionalism,
we here at the Center for Media
Monitoring and Analysis at the
Saudi Royal Court would like to
be in productive cooperation
with you...
Be so kind as to send us the
complete list of services that
your esteemed company offers.
Saud Al-Qahtani."
We couldn't reach Hacking Team.
But it was just one of the
surveillance companies the
Saudis reached out to.
♪ ♪
(woman speaking in Arabic)
At that London conference I
attended, dissidents discussed
their fears of being surveilled.
>> SMITH: Today the Saudi
government has the power to hack
any of its citizens.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: In May 2018 Yahya
al-Assiri received a text
message from a source he did not
recognize.
>> SMITH: Al-Assiri was put in
touch with Bill Marczak at
Citizen Lab.
>> We were able to both identify
the link that he'd received was
connected to NSO Group's Pegasus
spyware.
>> SMITH: NSO is an Israeli
company that develops spyware
called Pegasus.
>> It can turn your phone
microphone on, it can turn on
your phone camera, it turns
your earphone in a spy device.
It can break any encrypted
message on your phone.
That's technology MBS got from
his new friends in secret in
Israel.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Is there much an
activist like Yahya al-Assiri
can do to prevent themselves
from being hacked?
>> Unfortunately, there's
really not.
For these sorts of top-tier
targets, when the government is
willing to expend essentially
unlimited resources to go after
these guys, there's really not
all that much they can do.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: NSO did not comment on
Assiri's case but told us it
does not tolerate misuse of its
software or permit it to be used
for spying on critics or
journalists.
♪ ♪
Back in Saudi Arabia, Jamal
Khashoggi had not been able to
work for months.
He could travel, but he was
still banned from writing,
tweeting, or appearing on TV.
>> He was still hoping that this
decree or order will be
reversed.
So he said, "Maybe if I toe the
line for a while, then they
change."
Then I see him later, and still
the order has not been changed.
I remember him saying, you know,
"I have to do something about
this.
Me being at home, not being able
to, you know, tweet, write,
especially write, is-is-is no
longer bearable."
♪ ♪
>> What has been described as a
coordinated crackdown on dissent
in the country.
>> Saudi authorities have
carried out arrests of over 40
critics...
>> More than a dozen prominent
women's activists were arrested.
>> SMITH: Then, in September
2017, Mohammed bin Salman's
purges began.
>> They arrested a huge number
of liberal-minded reformers.
>> SMITH: Dozens of men and
women-- writers, academics,
businesspeople, and an
economist-- were rounded up.
>> The crown prince is clear.
Anybody who goes against him,
they're in trouble.
>> SMITH: Essam al-Zamil had
just returned from the U.S.,
where he had been part of an
official Saudi delegation.
>> SMITH: But in a series of
posts on social media, he had
cast doubt on Prince Mohammed's
valuation of a Saudi Aramco
I.P.O.
>> SMITH: That would lead to his
arrest.
After a year in prison, he was
charged for "Seeking to stir up
sedition in the Kingdom through
his Twitter account."
Prominent religious figures were
also arrested.
One of the most well-known was
Salman al Awdah.
Among those outside of the
official clerical establishment,
does anyone compare to your
father in terms of popularity?
>> None whatsoever.
I mean, he's being followed by
14 million followers.
The king has six or seven
million followers.
>> SMITH: At the time of his
arrest, the Saudi-led boycott of
Qatar was in its third month.
In this tweet, al-Awdah
expressed hope that the two
leaders-- MBS and the emir of
Qatar-- could be reconciled.
>> He was just praying.
And they said literally to him,
"Neutrality in this crisis is
treason."
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: That led to his
arrest, in fact?
>> Yeah.
That's why they are seeking
death penalty against him right
now.
For Mohammed bin Salman, these
are threats to his absolute
authority.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Al-Awdah was charged
with a total of 37 offenses,
including "Spreading discord
and inciting against the ruler."
>> He was probably the foremost
figure in Saudi Arabia
associated with a kind of
religious-reform current that
leaned towards democracy.
So whatever the kingdom says
they've arrested him for, they
really arrested him for being
Salman al-Awdah.
>> SMITH: Tell me how your
father was treated when he was
arrested.
>> He was treated really, really
badly.
♪ ♪
He was blindfolded, handcuffed
all the time, even in the cell.
Chains were put on his feet.
He was interrogated for days,
continuously, without allowing
him to sleep.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: As reports of the
arrests appeared, Jamal
Khashoggi's name began surfacing
in articles.
An editor at "The Washington
Post" took notice.
>> We were hearing the reports
about the crackdown.
And I saw Jamal Khashoggi's name
being quoted a few pieces about
the situation.
And I just figured, "Well, why
not reach out to him?"
And so I gave him a call.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Khashoggi had recently
left Saudi Arabia.
When he'd settled in DC, I sat
down to talk with him.
Before all our cameras were
rolling, he spoke personally for
a moment.
He told me he was uncertain
about what he would do here.
>> SMITH: Muzzled.
>> SMITH: Soon after, Khashoggi
decided what to do.
He published his first column in
"The Washington Post."
"Saudi Arabia wasn't always this
repressive.
Now it's unbearable."
>> He was upset when Salman
Awdah was arrested.
He was upset when other
activists was arrested.
And he kept saying, "These are
moderate people.
These are not the extremists.
And they are arresting the
moderate people."
♪ ♪
>> I think he was in some ways
confused about the situation.
I mean, he really supported the
vision of the reforms that
Mohammed bin Salman had.
I mean, it was a very personal
essay.
You see that he was wrestling
with his decision to speak out
or not.
And we decided to translate it
into Arabic, so that people in
the whole Arab world could read
it.
>> SMITH: Did you recognize at
that point that there was any
danger in this for him?
>> Mortal danger?
No.
Personal sacrifices?
Yes, of course.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Then came November.
First, the prime minister of
Lebanon, Saad Hariri, was
ordered to come to Riyadh.
>> He was asked to come to the
palace for a meeting, and he was
taken away, put in a room.
>> SMITH: He's handcuffed,
he's...
>> He's slapped, he's
maltreated.
>> SMITH: The Saudis charged
that Hariri had not done enough
to counter Iranian influence in
Lebanon.
>> SMITH: He was put on a Saudi
TV channel, reading a
resignation letter.
>> A truly remarkable event.
Prime Minister Hariri is
essentially ordered-- more or
less at gunpoint-- to give up
his job.
>> SMITH: He said he was
resigning because Iran was
interfering in Lebanon and
fomenting "discord and
destruction in the region."
>> The kind of aggressive tone
against Iran is not something
that Hariri has endorsed or will
endorse.
And so they knew it was a forced
resignation.
>> SMITH: He was eventually
released and would rescind his
resignation.
But there was more.
>> Mohammed bin Salman is
flexing his political muscle in
ways not seen before...
>> SMITH: On the very same day
Hariri was detained, MBS began
rounding up 200 of the Kingdom's
richest businessmen and most
powerful princes.
>> These are incredible times in
Saudi Arabia.
>> Some of the detainees
reportedly held here, Riyadh's
glamorous Ritz-Carlton.
>> ...especially the older
guard, are extremely worried by
these changes...
>> The Ritz was in essence the
Big Bang.
It brought in a massive number
of people.
They were presented with very
detailed files of their
financial shenanigans.
And were in essence told, "You
need to repay what you have
taken from the Kingdom by
exploiting your position or your
contacts."
>> SMITH: And if they pushed
back or they refused to pay,
what was the consequence?
>> They didn't leave.
>> I have a personal friend
who was arrested.
>> SMITH: Who was that?
>> I'm not going to name him,
but I mean, he-he-he went
through in detail.
He was brought to the Ritz at
4:00 a.m. in the morning.
♪ ♪
He said it was extremely
well-organized.
They checked him in, gave him a
medical test, asked him if he
had any medicines that he
needed, and then gave him a
room...
Where the door had to be kept
open, but he had full access to
room service and a TV.
And he was interrogated, I
think, for a month.
♪ ♪
And then he was released.
Now, I don't know if he settled
anything, but by standards,
frankly, I would have rather
been arrested like him than be
arrested in a jail in America.
♪ ♪
>> They say it's all about
corruption.
I really don't believe that.
>> There are others who are
whispering about whether this is
really about a consolidation of
power.
>> SMITH: Corruption was
pervasive in the Kingdom.
How can you describe the level
of corruption that you were
facing, that you were confronted
with?
How do you make the point?
>> It was so bad that it was
actually truly impacting the
development of-of the country.
We're talking about billions
and billions and billions of
dollars.
And when we looked at all the
various options, this was
probably the best option
available.
Was it perfect?
Absolutely not.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: President Trump
condoned the round-up.
♪ ♪
But for Jamal Khashoggi, it
wasn't just about corruption.
"What is absolutely clear after
Saturday's 'Night of the Long
Knives' is that Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Salman is
centralizing all power within
his position as crown prince."
>> He likened MBS to Putin.
He just saw things getting worse
and worse and worse.
>> SMITH: He was very upset by
the events at the Ritz-Carlton.
>> And especially by what
happened to Waleed bin Talal
>> SMITH: Al-Waleed bin Talal, a
longtime friend and supporter of
Khashoggi's, and Saudi Arabia's
most famous investor.
>> Jamal Khashoggi's feeling was
as he would refer to MBS, "If
this kid was able to go that far
and arrest somebody like Waleed
bin Talal, you know, then there
are no bounds to what he's going
to do to people like him."
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: But it would take time
for the rest of the world to
understand the Ritz-Carlton
purge as Khashoggi had.
Prince Al-Waleed was held for 83
days.
>> What was it like, your Royal
Highness, being held captive by
your own cousin?
>> Frankly speaking, it was not
easy, you know, I have to
confess that, to be held
against your will.
>> How would you describe your
relationship?
>> No one believe it.
My relationship right now with
Prince Mohammed bin Salman, this
guy, is not only as strong as
before-- stronger.
And this is shocking to many
people.
>> You've forgiven him?
>> I didn't say forgiven.
I forgot and forgiven the
whole process completely,
It's behind me, completely.
Completely.
>> Reports of the Ritz indicate
that the Saudi government
tortured detainees, and
coerced...
>> SMITH: But as other people
were released, reports of abuse
and torture seeped out to the
press.
>> Inmates required to sign over
their fortunes in order to be
released.
>> SMITH: Family members of
detainees have told reporters
that MBS's close aide, Saud
al-Qahtani, acted as their
interrogator.
>> What's been pretty clear is
that he played a principal role
in the Ritz-Carlton being turned
into this gold-plated prison.
There were gradations of
treatment, and the death of at
least one person in custody, a
general, the story was that he
died of a heart attack.
But according to family
members, he had been beaten
severely.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: There were reports of
harsh treatment, beatings
and even death━
>> I heard those reports, but
I've never seen any-any
reflection of that.
>> SMITH: You have no suspicion
about beatings?
>> None whatsoever, none
whatsoever.
And the fact that-that these
people were put up in-in-in the
Ritz-Carlton, to me indicates
that the intention is-is not
to... (laughs)
...to inflict physical or
emotional harm on them, but
rather to get to the truth.
>> SMITH: Do you believe anybody
was coerced physically at the
Ritz-Carlton?
>> I don't know.
>> SMITH: It's possible.
>> Anything is possible.
All I can say is that the
exercise was to bring in very
senior members of the Saudi
financial, business community
and say, "You have money which
doesn't belong to you.
It belongs to the Saudi people.
We would like that back.
Now go out and live your life
the way you did previously."
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Easier said than done.
>> You know now, ministers and
princes and big businesspeople
are locked up.
Even once they're let out, I'm
told at least, most of them
have ankle bracelets, they
cannot fly.
They have been publicly
humiliated and put under
constant observation.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Just after the
Ritz-Carlton arrests, I had
asked MBS again to sit down
for an interview.
♪ ♪
Meanwhile, MBS's war in Yemen
had gone from bad to worse.
In November 2017, after a Houthi
missile landed near Riyadh, the
Saudis imposed a blockade,
making it impossible for food or
fuel to get through.
Two thirds of the country's
population was already facing
food shortages.
Hospitals were overwhelmed with
an outbreak of cholera.
♪ ♪
(baby crying distantly)
After international pressure,
the Saudis eased the blockade.
But civilian casualties from air
attacks and land mines continued
to mount.
(translator):
>> SMITH: Spokesman for the
Saudi-led campaign in Yemen,
Major General Ahmed al-Asiri.
>> Let me tell you something.
When you conduct a military
operation, mistake could happen.
And there is no single
allegation we does not
investigate.
>> SMITH: Do you have a count of
the number of civilian deaths
that have resulted from your
operations?
How many civilians have died as
a result?
>> No, we don't have numbers of
civilian death of, cause of
the... the Yemeni government
have this.
>> SMITH: Okay, what was their
number?
>> Ask the Yemeni government.
>> SMITH: By the end of 2017,
thousands of civilians had
already been killed, many more
wounded.
(shouting playfully)
♪ ♪
(music playing on speaker)
♪ ♪
Despite the rising death toll,
when Prince Mohammed arrived
at the White House a few months
later, President Trump was
pushing him to buy more weapons.
>> We make the best military
product in the world, whether
it's missiles or planes, or
anything else, there's nobody
that even comes close.
>> Some of the things that have
been approved and are currently
under construction and will be
delivered to Saudi Arabia very
soon, and that's for their
protection.
But if you look in terms of
dollars-- $3 billion,
$533 million, $525 million--
that's peanuts for you,
should have increased it.
$880...
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: The visit was the
beginning of a nearly three-week
tour of the U.S.
Even with his purges and the
war in Yemen, Prince Mohammed's
popularity as a reformer was
reaching its peak.
>> You'll remember he came to
the United States and was
lauded, literally from coast to
coast.
>> He will have visited five
states, four presidents, five
newspapers, uncounted moguls,
and Oprah.
>> He was praised as a
revolutionary, as the Saudi
reformer, as the head of what
would be the Saudi Spring.
>> America, should the world
buy what the crown prince is
selling?
>> He seems to be sincere.
>> It was a major PR operation.
Part of that operation was Wall
Street titans, Silicon Valley,
and Hollywood.
>> The tech people, the movie
people, their eyes were quite
glittering.
There was this new opening of
people who hadn't made money
there before.
>> People were mesmerized.
>> You did have this sit-down
with MBS.
>> Notable journalists in
the U.S.
Thomas Friedman, has actually
embraced him big-time.
>> He's not just leading this
from the top down, whoa!
It is exploding from the bottom
up.
>> SMITH: He also made a point
of meeting with Jewish-American
groups in New York.
>> To win the support of Jewish
leadership, he needed to say
something different about Israel
and about the Palestinians.
And he did.
>> The crown prince says that
Israelis should have the right
to their own land, this will be
the prelude of a new era, a new
relationship between Saudi
Arabia and Israel.
>> SMITH: He also granted
his first ever American TV
interview to "60 Minutes."
>> His reforms inside Saudi
Arabia have been revolutionary.
>> SMITH: MBS brought his media
advisor along with him, Saud
al-Qahtani.
>> Are women equal to men?
>> (translated): Absolutely, we
are all human beings, and
there's no difference.
>> He's pushing through reforms
that have expanded freedoms
including those of women, he's a
fierce opponent of Iran...
>> He said, "Women are equal to
men.
We're going to lift the women
driving ban.
We're going to allow more women
in leadership position."
So he's saying all the right
things.
But you can only deceive people
that far.
>> SMITH: Shortly after his
return home, the ban against
women driving was due to be
lifted.
One of the activists who had
campaigned for it was Loujan
al-Hathloul.
(speaking Arabic):
>> SMITH: She made headlines in
2014 when she posted a video of
herself driving from the U.A.E.
to Saudi Arabia.
>> SMITH: She was arrested and
held for 73 days in a Saudi
jail and then released.
But as Saudi women waited for
the driving ban to end, the
Royal Court ordered Loujan to
be rearrested along with other
prominent women's rights
activists.
♪ ♪
>> We are very much concerned
about what is going on in Saudi
Arabia right now.
>> Security forces swept up one
of the Kingdom's early
feminists, but it has come at
the cost...
>> I think Mohammed bin Salman
realized that the women's
movement in Saudi Arabia is not
simply about driving, it's about
rights.
And they were not going to stop
at driving a car.
The car was a symbol of their
oppression.
>> SMITH: We spoke to Loujan
al-Hathloul's sister from her
home outside Saudi Arabia.
>> When I learned that Loujan
was arrested, I was so scared.
♪ ♪
It was in the middle of the day.
♪ ♪
Five men and five women came.
They were blocking the street,
so all neighbors witnessed what
happened.
♪ ♪
My parents, they were extremely
panicked.
My mom said, "Why you are
arresting my daughter?"
But they just went up, and they
grab her from her bedroom,
they-they took her.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: The other arrests
were similarly staged.
>> They are telling the women a
message, that, "You should not
ask for more rights."
>> When they went to Hatoon
al-Fassi's house, they brought
klieg lights and lit up the
neighborhood.
And they did it in front of her
children.
They don't, they don't do that.
Jamal was the one who showed me
the Saudi newspaper that has all
of their faces and, "Traitor,
traitor, traitor."
I mean, I cannot tell you how
shocking that was.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: At least 12 women and
three men were arrested
because of their activism.
Human rights groups believe the
number to be much higher.
Khashoggi wrote, "Repression and
intimidation are not-- and
never should be-- the acceptable
companions of reform."
He urged MBS to "order the
release of Hathloul... and the
other women who campaigned for
women's right to drive."
♪ ♪
But they were not released.
Hathloul's parents were not
allowed to start visiting her
until months later.
>> My mom and my father went to
Jeddah.
They took the plane to visit
Loujan at Dhahban prison.
♪ ♪
When they saw her, she was weak,
very weak.
And there was red marks over her
face.
They asked her, "Did they
torture you?"
And she said... she said, "No,
I am fine, you know.
Don't worry about me."
And they insisted.
And after that, she just start
crying, crying, crying.
She couldn't stop.
And moment she stopped, she
start breathing.
And she showed them her thighs.
And it was not only bruises.
It was burned.
It was so dark.
♪ ♪
And she said, "They were going
to throw me in the sewage
system."
And they were repeating this to
her.
She thought she was going to
die.
And during the torture session,
she recognized specifically one
man.
And he is a highly ranked
advisor.
>> SMITH: Who was that?
>> His name is known everywhere.
It was Saud al-Qahtani.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Some of the other
women arrested also endured
torture-- Samar Badawi, Aziza
al-Yousef, Eman al-Nafjan,
Shadan al-Onezi, and Nouf
al-Dosari.
There are also reports of sexual
harassment and assault.
Details were sent by multiple
sources to human rights groups
outside Saudi Arabia.
>> The statement that we got
from many of the sources, that
all of the women were tortured.
And placed, of course, in
solitary confinement.
Women would be stripped naked
and assaulted sexually.
They would be beaten,
electrocuted.
To see those women who have for
years been really a source of
strength for other women, to see
them treated this way, for me, I
know these women.
I know how dignified, how caring
and concerned about their
country they are.
There is no other way, except
that they want to put them into
a position where they're
completely broken and silenced.
♪ ♪
(car horns honking)
>> SMITH: Qahtani has not
commented on any torture
allegations.
Al-Hathloul attempted to report
her torture to officers of the
Saudi Human Rights Commission
who had visited her in prison.
>> The Human Rights Commission
visited her.
And she said, "Are you going to
protect me?"
Because she gave them the name
of Saud al-Qahtani, and she is
so scared of that.
They said, "Of course we can't."
>> SMITH: We cannot.
>> "We cannot, no, of course we
cannot."
>> SMITH: I tried to call the
Human Rights Commission to get a
comment.
They didn't respond.
We decided to just go over
there.
(Smith speaking Arabic):
>> No.
(Smith):
(men speaking Arabic)
Okay?
I was ushered into what I hoped
was Dr. Aiban's office.
He heads the Human
Rights Commission.
(phone ringing distantly)
They don't know what to do with
us.
Hello.
>> Sabah al-noor.
>> SMITH: Finally, I was greeted
by a translator, Aziz, and an
office assistant.
>> SMITH: As you know, there's
lots of controversy right now
about the handling of prisoners,
and we wanted to ask questions
about the conditions in the
prisons, about the conditions
for the women particularly.
>> SMITH: Okay, is he here?
>> SMITH: He's trying to call
him.
Why is it so difficult to get an
appointment to see Dr. Aiban?
>> SMITH: Despite it being a
workday, I got nowhere.
(man speaking Arabic)
(assistant speaking Arabic):
>> SMITH: Good luck to you.
(Aziz speaking Arabic)
♪ ♪
(Smith):
I never received a call back.
But I kept trying.
(phone ringing)
Hello, hello?
Yeah.
I am looking to speak with Dr.
Aiban.
(speaking Arabic)
Dr. Aiban.
Number is wrong?
Okay, thank you.
>> (on phone): Hello?
>> SMITH: Yes, hi, I want to
speak with Dr. Aiban.
(phone hangs up)
♪ ♪
I also tried to contact the
public prosecutor and the
minister of justice.
By the time I spoke to Foreign
Minister Adel al-Jubeir, eight
months had gone by since
al-Hathloul and the other women
were arrested.
>> We refuse the charge of
torture.
I don't believe that's the case.
The prosecutor has said this.
And I think the procedures,
legal procedures in Saudi
Arabia, have to play out.
>> SMITH: They've been held
without trial.
>> We, they will be going
through the courts.
They are not activists.
There's evidence of links to
foreign entities.
There's evidence of attempting
to recruit people in sensitive
positions.
>> SMITH: That's the charge,
but that hasn't been proven.
>> It will be proven in court.
>> SMITH: Who do you hold
responsible for what's happened
to your sister?
>> Good question.
I have some idea, but I don't
know if I can share it.
Every time I talk, every time I
accept to be interviewed, I have
to see if there are consequences
on me, on my sister, my family.
Saudi Arabia was never a
democracy.
However, it was never a police
state.
And I feel it's becoming kind
of a police state,
unfortunately.
>> The Saudi government never
went after family members.
Now the system is actually
engaged in collective forms of
punishment.
>> SMITH: In DC, Khashoggi was
also feeling the wrath of MBS.
His son, Salah, the only one of
his children still in Saudi
Arabia, had been forbidden to
travel.
>> One of the first things he
said to me is, "They've put my
son on a travel ban.
And it's just not fair.
He's not political at all.
And there's nothing I can do
about it."
>> And my understanding is that
he sent a message to Saud
al-Qahtani, telling him, "This
has come to very low standards
that you are now going after my
son."
But he received no response
from Saud al-Qahtani.
>> SMITH: His wife, fearing for
her and her family's safety,
asked for a divorce.
>> And that was, that was
extremely painful to him.
>> SMITH: Jamal was also being
harassed on Twitter by Qahtani's
notorious Army of Flies.
>> What we talked about is, did
I know anybody at Twitter to
turn it off.
♪ ♪
It was the bots, the army, the
flies.
>> I can say that there was
certainly a sense of animus
towards Jamal Khashoggi because
of his unrelenting criticism of
the Kingdom in a national
newspaper in the capital of the
Saudis' closest partner.
>> And I think MBS felt
genuinely threatened about
this "Washington Post"-supported
journalist who was criticizing
MBS himself, personally.
>> He talked about the kind of
threats he was getting.
But he was also heartened by
the positive feedback he was
getting from Saudis he never
met, and people reaching out to
him and saying, "Yes, you are
doing the right thing, yes, you
are speaking on all of our
behalf.
Thank you for doing what you
are doing."
>> SMITH: And he had, with time,
found a new love, someone who
shared his interest in Arab
politics-- a Turkish academic,
Hatice Cengiz.
>> When I saw him the last time,
he was happy.
He said, "Well, I'm thinking I'm
going to spend more time in
Turkey now."
>> SMITH: And he kept writing
about the prince he had once
supported.
>> I think his ultimate desire
was to see his people enjoy some
of the same freedoms that he had
here in Washington, in the U.S.
>> SMITH: He submitted his last
article on September 28, 2018.
>> Over time, I think Jamal felt
more and more that independent
journalism was the way to
achieve what he'd wanted since
he was a young man.
George Orwell gave as a title
of a column that he wrote,
"As I please," you know, "I
write as I please."
Jamal Khashoggi was a version
of that.
He was somebody who wrote what
he thought, wrote what he
believed.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Do you think Jamal had
any idea that he was playing
with fire?
>> I think that Jamal hadn't
fully realized how different the
system had become.
I think that he thought that
this was a regime that didn't
draw blood unnecessarily, that
did not kill dissidents
overseas.
And I think he was wrong.
He misjudged how things had
changed.
♪ ♪
>> He was last seen in Istanbul.
Angela, where do you think he's
gone to?
>> Well, this is the question
that everybody is asking.
Jamal Khashoggi, he went missing
on Tuesday, he went to the
consulate building of Saudi
Arabia in Istanbul.
>> Speaking on Turkish TV, Ms.
Cengiz explained that he was
going to the consulate to
collect documents for the
marriage, and for that she
felt guilty...
>> SMITH: The murder took place
on October 2.
Four days later, the Saudi
consul general gave a reporter a
tour of the consulate.
The Saudis' story was that
Khashoggi had walked out of the
building alive.
(consul speaking Arabic):
>> SMITH: The Saudis were saying
he had gone missing somewhere in
Turkey.
Turkish officials were furious.
>> They're like, instead of
their providing answers to us,
they're actually saying that,
"Oh, it's your problem now.
He's missing in Turkey."
That was the tipping point for
Turkish officials.
>> SMITH: At the pro-government
Turkish newspaper, "Sabah,"
reporters started getting
details from Turkish
intelligence and the police.
Nazif Karaman.
(speaking Turkish):
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: By the time the
reporters had learned about the
two Saudi planes, the jets had
left Istanbul.
Then they were told more.
Abdurrahman Simsek.
(speaking Turkish):
>> SMITH: Yasin Aktay, advisor
to Turkey's President Erdogan,
heard details of the murder.
When you learned that the police
had concluded that he had been
murdered, can you describe that
moment?
>> That moment was very, very
difficult for me.
They said me, "They're, they're
animals, they are animals.
They're, they're worse than
animals.
They-they killed him like dogs,
and they, he was crying."
And I, I-I-I cried.
>> I just couldn't come to
myself for a couple of minutes.
I just couldn't believe the fact
that they cut him into pieces.
(horn honks)
>> SMITH: I texted MBS.
There was no response.
I tried again.
♪ ♪
Did you know Jamal Khashoggi?
>> Yes.
I've known him since the late
'80s.
>> SMITH: And what kind of man
was he?
>> He was a journalist, he was
an editor, he was a kind person.
And he was... he had family, he
had children.
>> SMITH: And what happened to
him?
>> He was murdered in the Saudi
consulate in Istanbul in what is
a huge mistake that has shocked
the whole country, and that we
have expressed our commitment
to hold those accountable and
to make sure, work on
procedures to reform the
security services so that we
minimize the occurrence of such
a tragic mistake in the future.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: Jubeir says they are
committed to investigating what
happened.
But from the beginning, the
Saudis tried to cover it up.
>> The Saudi story kept changing
over the course of two weeks.
Inconsistencies were really
clear.
>> This is one of the most
peculiar, perplexing news events
that I can recall in some time.
>> The evidence keeps building.
Newly released video shows a
Saudi man who looks a little
like Khashoggi...
>> Here's, he's caught on CCTV
arriving at the consulate,
wearing...
>> SMITH: Surveillance footage
showed how the team initially
tried to fool the police into
believing Khashoggi left the
consulate alive.
>> He walks outside, in
Khashoggi's clothes and glasses.
>> SMITH: But the police
immediately spotted what was a
body double.
>> Same clothes, same glasses,
same beard, same age and build.
Everything but the shoes.
>> SMITH: Why did the double not
take Khashoggi's shoes?
>> He took the shoes, actually,
but he couldn't...
>> SMITH: They wouldn't fit?
>> Yeah, and head of the
Istanbul Police, he realized
that the-the, you know, shoes is
different.
>> SMITH: The Saudis had clung
to the lie that Khashoggi was
alive.
>> It's more drip-fed,
uncorroboratable intelligence
that's sent Riyadh into a
panic.
>> SMITH: Then Turkish
intelligence revealed they had
audio tapes.
>> ...Turkish and U.S. officials
says the recordings offer proof
Khashoggi was interrogated,
tortured, and murdered.
>> SMITH: The details revealed
were gruesome.
The audio was not released to
the public.
But some reporters learned about
its contents.
>> To be honest, I don't think
it's something that could really
be shared with the public,
because it just involves so much
violence, even though it's just
a audio recording.
(Simsek):
>> Have you heard that tape?
And does it conclusively point
to the crown prince as ordering
the killing of Jamal Khashoggi?
>> No, I haven't listened to it.
And I guess I should ask you why
do you think I should.
What do you think I'll learn
from it?
Unless you speak Arabic, what
are you going to get from it?
>> SMITH: Within a week,
National Security Advisor John
Bolton and Jared Kushner had
called Riyadh.
Soon after Secretary of
State Mike Pompeo flew to Saudi
Arabia to meet with the crown
prince.
♪ ♪
Meanwhile, the case for Prince
Mohammed's involvement was
tightening.
>> After weeks of denials, Saudi
Arabia is changing its tune.
>> Saudi Arabia now going
further, admitting that the
killing looks to have been
premeditated.
>> These were not low-ranking
figures, so they couldn't have
done what they did oblivious to
the prince, could they?
>> SMITH: The Turkish media had
identified all 15 of the Saudis
who flew into Istanbul.
>> Who are these people who are
on this 15-man team, one of
whom is a forensics, autopsy
expert?
>> SMITH: Five of them are
reported to have worked under
MBS's aide Saud al-Qahtani at
the Royal Court.
And one key team member was on
the crown prince's personal
security detail-- the alleged
ringleader on the ground, Maher
Mutreb.
>> One man, Maher Mutreb, he's
been seen traveling with the
crown prince all over the world,
potentially as a bodyguard...
>> After the murder, the Saudis
called MBS's private office.
It's inconceivable that Mohammed
bin Salman didn't know.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: You went on
television, on Fox News, on
October 21, and you said that
none of those involved in
Khashoggi's death had close ties
to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed
bin Salman.
>> Because he has, Prince...
these were security individuals.
Security people have rotations,
they sometimes serve for
specific times in terms of
security or other issues.
>> SMITH: But these weren't just
security individuals.
Mutreb, who traveled extensively
with the crown prince, including
in the United States, was on the
scene.
Are you saying that you didn't
know that the people that were
involved in the murder were
close to the crown prince at the
time that you said that?
>> They... the crown prince has
a lot of people who are close to
him or who claim to be close to
him.
He has a lot of people who take
their pictures with him...
>> SMITH: Then I asked about
Qahtani.
Qahtani allegedly ran the
operation from outside Turkey.
>> SMITH: Qahtani wasn't just
one of a lot of people.
>> Look, this is... you're
asking all these questions...
>> SMITH: He's, he was a close
aide to the crown prince.
Where is he now?
>> You should ask the public
prosecutor.
>> SMITH: The public prosecutor
won't talk to us.
>> Then, then you should call
him again.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: How is it possible
that Mohammed bin Salman did not
know of this operation?
>> Well, I have stated that I
believe it's very unlikely he
did not know of at least a
rendition.
I can easily imagine that
the decision-making might've
been as simple as Saud
al-Qahtani saying, "We have this
dissident.
We will conduct a rendition
operation from Istanbul," and
being told, "Go ahead."
>> SMITH: So you have contacts
within Saudi Arabia at high
levels that tell you that this
was a rendition?
>> Yes.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: But the Saudis insist
MBS gave no such authorization.
They say it was a rogue
operation.
You're saying that this is being
investigated by the public
prosecutor?
>> Yes.
>> SMITH: But at the same time,
you have declared it a rogue
operation.
So you've reached a conclusion
that this was a rogue operation
before the investigation is
complete?
>> Of course it's a rogue
operation.
Nobody authorized this.
Who would authorize the murder
of a citizen...
>> SMITH: How do we know until
there is an investigation?
>> It seems to me that you have
made up your mind before you
watched the due process...
>> SMITH: No, you've made up
your mind that it's a rogue
operation.
>> It is, it is a rogue
operation because there is no
authorization for them to commit
this crime.
There was no authorization for
them to commit this crime.
That's why it's a rogue
operation.
>> SMITH: How do we know that
this was a rogue operation?
You say it's a rogue operation.
>> Uh, because, because our
leadership says it was a rogue
operation, and our leadership
has not lied to us before.
So we believe them.
>> SMITH: There were a series of
statements made immediately
after the killing of Jamal
Khashoggi that have proven to be
false, that have proven to be
lies.
>> That were based on reporting
by this rogue element.
And they're going to be taken to
court and face their-their fate.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: The Saudis have been
unclear about who authorized the
operation.
But they have said one man,
General Ahmed al-Asiri, the
former spokesman for MBS' war in
Yemen, was involved in the
planning.
>> SMITH: You know General
Asiri.
>> Yes.
>> SMITH: Do you think he's in
any way capable of mounting an
operation like this?
>> On his own?
Absolutely not.
He wouldn't dream up a plot like
this.
This is a servant of the state,
used to taking orders.
It's just not in the nature of
how the Saudi bureaucracy works.
They got caught red-handed.
They attempted to come up with a
cover story.
But the cover story doesn't add
up.
>> It was carried out poorly,
and the cover-up was one of the
worst in the history of
cover-ups.
>> SMITH: There are so many
holes in your story, the story
that you put out there.
Even the president in the United
States said, "This is the worst
cover-up I've ever seen."
>> With all due respect, we-we
put out the stories as we have
it, based on the facts that were
established.
We have never, in the history of
Saudi Arabia, had a situation
where a Saudi citizen was
murdered.
This is not how we operate, and
this is not what our values are.
>> SMITH: Is there anything
about this young prince that
worries you?
>> You know what my only worry
is?
I reached an age where I don't
know if I'll be around when the
fruits of what is happening in
Saudi Arabia will be picked.
Because I see the kingdom moving
in-in a very, very straight
way towards the wellbeing of
of-of Saudis and hopefully the
wellbeing of the world.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: On November 16, the
C.I.A. concluded that Prince
Mohammed ordered the murder of
Khashoggi.
They refused to comment publicly
about it.
But Secretary of State Mike
Pompeo did.
>> I've read every piece of
intelligence, unless it's come
in the last few hours.
There is no direct reporting
connecting the crown prince to
the order to murder Jamal
Khashoggi.
And that's all I can say in an
unclassified setting.
>> SMITH: But immediately after
Pompeo's comments, someone
leaked a summary of the report
to a "Wall Street Journal"
reporter, Warren Strobel.
Yeah, I've got it right here.
You're the only reporter that
I'm aware of that has seen that
C.I.A. report.
>> I believe I am the only
reporter even to this day who
has seen the C.I.A. report.
>> SMITH: Why were you shown
this report?
>> I don't know, to this day.
I can only speculate.
My analysis is that this person
was upset that the intelligence
was being portrayed differently
by the president of the United
States and Secretary of State
Mike Pompeo.
>> They do point out certain
things, and in pointing out
those things, you can conclude
that maybe he did or maybe he
didn't.
But there's... that was another
part of the false reporting.
>> President Trump and Secretary
of State Mike Pompeo over and
over have pointed to the fact
that U.S. intelligence does not
have evidence of a kill order.
But they sort of stop there.
And if you actually read the
C.I.A. assessment, as I have,
everything else in that points a
finger at the crown prince as
having a role.
>> The C.I.A. has looked at it,
they've studied it a lot, they
have nothing definitive.
We are with Saudi Arabia.
We're staying with Saudi Arabia.
Have a good time, everybody,
thank you.
>> The president here is
positioning himself to be able
to not take tougher measures
against Saudi Arabia...
>> Trump's response is a slap in
the face to the intelligence
community.
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: And there was more.
It was reported that
on the day of the murder, Maher
Mutreb made a call.
He said, in effect, "Tell your
boss the deed was done."
>> The phone number that was
being called in Riyadh was the
crown prince's office.
Doesn't get much better than
that.
If you call the White House
Situation Room, I come to the
conclusion the White House knows
what's going on.
>> SMITH: Last December I talked
to Prince Mohammed at the race
track.
He spoke about his role in the
Khashoggi murder for the first
time.
My camera was outside,
but he said:
"It happened under my watch.
I get all the responsibility,
because it happened under
my watch.
I really take it very seriously.
I don't want to tell you,
'No I didn't do it or I did do
it', or whatever.
That's just words."
I asked him how it could
happen without him knowing
about it.
"Accidents happen.
Can you imagine?
We have twenty million people.
We have three million government
employees, I am not Google, or
a supercomputer to watch over
three million."
"They can take one of your
planes?" I asked.
"I have officials, ministers to
follow things, and they're
responsible, they have the
authority to do that."
"But during it, Qahtani is
texting you.
Right?" I asked.
"Yeah he texts me every day."
I was curious about those
texts.
They had been cited in the
C.I.A. report linking MBS to
the killing of Khashoggi.
♪ ♪
MBS insisted they were innocent.
Later I learned that the Saudis
had hired a business
intelligence firm, Kroll, to
examine the texts.
MBS wanted to share them with
the C.I.A.
I was allowed to look at Kroll's
report in Washington.
The texts don't refer to
Khashoggi or say anything about
a kidnapping or a murder.
But then the NSA discovered they
had some damning evidence
all along.
They just didn't realize it.
>> After Khashoggi's killed, the
United States intelligence
community starts looking
backwards, scrubbing intercepts
that they had picked up over
years.
>> SMITH: And they find MBS
chatting with Qahtani back in
2017.
>> Mohammed bin Salman is
expressing frustration and
annoyance about Khashoggi,
saying he's becoming more
influential.
>> SMITH: Qahtani cautioned
Prince Mohammed that any move
against Khashoggi was risky and
could create an international
uproar.
MBS scolded Qahtani for being
too cautious.
And then...
>> There's a conversation
between Mohammed bin Salman and
another influential advisor,
and Prince Mohammed says, "If
we can't bring Jamal back by
force, we should show him a
bullet."
>> Thank you for waiting.
Saudia flight...
with service to Riyadh like to
continue boarding with all
passengers sitting in rows
two, three, and four.
>> SMITH: I returned to Saudi
Arabia one last time in April
2019.
The crown prince had promised to
meet with me again.
I came prepared with many more
questions.
♪ ♪
When I arrived, he changed his
mind.
I was not able to ask any more
questions about the Khashoggi
murder.
But more evidence kept on
coming.
In June, Agnes Callamard, a
United Nations human rights
expert, issued the most detailed
report to date on the Khashoggi
killing.
I saw her in London at a
conference.
>> ...killing of Mr. Khashoggi,
15 agent flew to Turkey, eight
of them in a private jet
which had diplomatic clearance,
two of them had diplomatic
passports.
There is no other conclusion
but that the killing of Mr.
Khashoggi is a state killing.
It should be seen to constitute
an international crime for which
universal jurisdiction attract.
>> SMITH: In preparing her
report, Callamard was granted
access to the audio recordings
of the hit team as they
discussed their plans.
>> I listened to the tapes
within the premise of the
Turkish intelligence.
>> SMITH: And you heard a
conversation.
Tell us about that conversation.
>> So that conversation is
within an hour before the
killing.
Mutreb is asking whether or not
the trunk of the body will fit
into a normal bag.
"Does it need a stronger bag?
How do you disjoint a body?"
That too is being discussed.
Tubaigy, the doctor, raises some
issues regarding having to cut
on the ground, because he's
never done that.
They are seemingly rehearsing,
planning, the act of killing an
hour later.
>> Five months since the
horrible murder...
>> SMITH: At the London
conference, Callamard joined
Khashoggi's fiancée and others
calling for her report to spur
further action.
>> I would like to ask you all
to use this report as a means to
prevent an attempt to silence us
or push the matter under the
carpet.
>> This is about the freedom of
people to say what they want, to
tweet what they want, to blog
what they want, to speak about
what they want without fear that
they will be executed for it.
>> The fact that the killing of
Jamal Khashoggi is still making
the news, that needs to
continue, because that's what is
going to annoy the hell out of
them and be the mosquito in the
tent that they can't ever get
rid of.
>> Thank you very much, Agnes,
thank you.
(applause)
♪ ♪
>> SMITH: To date, MBS has
offered no apology for the
killing of Khashoggi, and he
still insists those responsible
will be brought to justice for
what he called a heinous crime.
In the meantime, he continues to
pursue his Vision 2030.
("Feel So Close"
by Calvin Harris playing)
(DJ talking indistinctly)
>> Here we go, one, two,
two, three, go!
>> SMITH: With sporting events
and big concerts,
he is trying to win
the hearts of young Saudis.
(pop music playing,
concertgoers singing along)
His defenders say that the
Khashoggi murder and his
campaign against dissent should
not outweigh everything else he
has achieved.
(pop music playing, cheering)
(music continues, cheering)
♪ ♪
>> The Philippine leader has
faced harsh criticism
for launching a bloody
drug war.
Thousands of people have
been killed in the brutal
crackdown.
>> My campaign against drugs...
(screaming)
...will not stop...
(laughing)
...until the last pusher...
(shouting)
...and the last drug lord are ━
(throat cutting noise)
>> Go to pbs.org/frontline for
reflections on Jamal
Khashoggi from friends and
colleagues.
>> I think his ultimate desire
was to see his people
enjoy some of the
same freedoms that he had here
in the U.S.
>> See a timeline of MBS' rise
to power, and our reporting
on tensions in the region.
>> Connect to the FRONTLINE
community on Facebook and
Twitter, and watch anytime on
the PBS Video App or
pbs.org/frontline.
Captioned by
Media Access Group at WGBH
access.wgbh.org
>> For more on this and other
"Frontline" programs, visit our
website at pbs.org/frontline.
♪ ♪
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on DVD, visit ShopPBS
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♪ ♪