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Martin Van Buren was no stranger to politics,
but he was a unique character on the political

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scene in the 1830s. What made him unique was
not the fact that he had served as Secretary

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of State under Andrew Jackson or that he had
replaced John C. Calhoun as Vice President

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after the Nullification Crisis of 1832; instead,
Van Buren was the first of our presidents

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to have been born after the American Revolution,
and, as such, represented a new breed, a break

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from the past, from the war heroes, the soldier-scholars,
the landed gentry and the career diplomats.

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He was, in every sense of the word, the son
of immigrants, born to a family of Dutch migrants

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who came to this country looking for a better
life. They settled in Kinderhook, New York,

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and it is here that Martin Van Buren was born.
These strong immigrant roots never left Van

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Buren, and we are told that, even in the prime
of his political life, he still spoke with

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a strong Dutch accent. Yet none of this stopped
Van Buren from rising to the top of the political

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world through a combination of intelligence,
political acumen, and the ability to choose

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allies that would benefit him personally.

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By 1836, Van Buren had been involved in politics
for over 37 years. He knew how to win elections,

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he knew how to run campaigns, and he knew
how to govern. He had seasoned himself politically

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in state and local politics early in his life,
was elected to the senate, and served in Jackson's

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cabinet - and as his vice president. Things
had fallen into place nicely for Van Buren,

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so much so that by 1836, he was well-positioned
to ride Andrew Jackson's coattails all the

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way to the Oval Office.
By 1835, it had become obvious to political

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observers both inside Jackson's political
party and to potential Whig opposition that

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Van Buren was to be the successor to the old
war hero, not John C. Calhoun. Van Buren had

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served Jackson well, and the party handily
nominated him as their candidate for president.

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It was the shared belief of the party that
while Van Buren was his own man, he would

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continue Jacksonianism without Jackson.
Try as they might, the old anti-Jackson forces

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aligned against Van Buren in the Whig party
had no viable candidate to stand in the election.

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Their strategy was to be one of divide and
conquer, hoping to split the electoral vote

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with multiple candidates and force the election
into the House of Representatives. But they

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were no match for the experience of Van Buren
or the gravitas that Jackson lent to the ticket.

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Van Buren was also a master at the grassroots
campaign, sending out representatives and

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making use of the press to get his message
out to all levels of society, not relying

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solely on Washington politicians.
As expected, the Whigs attempted to drag him

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down and their attacks on his stances and
policies mirrored many of their attacks on

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Andrew Jackson, but it was to no avail. Van
Buren and the Democratic Party had superior

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organization in 1836, and ultimately, their
voters turned out in large numbers, more than

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the Whigs could match. By the time all votes
were counted, Van Buren had secured electoral

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victory with 170 votes. He needed only 148
to win.

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While an able president, Van Buren's administration
was not marked by any great accomplishment

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or event that would set him apart from his
predecessors. In many ways he kept Jacksonian

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policies alive, but he did seek to branch
out on his own in directions differing from

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Jackson. It won him no great accolades from
his contemporaries or in our history books.

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On the issue of Indian removal, he had the
unfortunate job of overseeing the Trail of

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Tears. As you may recall from another lesson,
the Trail of Tears was the forced removal

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of the Cherokee Indians from their native
lands east of the Mississippi, a job overseen

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by the U.S. military and carried out in order
to seize their lands for white settlers. Thousands

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died, and it brought an end to last independent
tribes in the East.

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As for the issue of Texas independence, which
had erupted during the Jackson administration,

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Van Buren shocked many when he denied their
petition to join the United States in 1837,

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seeking to ease tensions with Mexico and search
for a diplomatic solution to the problem.

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On the issue of slavery, he held it to be
morally wrong but believed the Constitution

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justified its existence and that unless the
Constitution could be changed, slavery would

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- and should - continue. He felt it his solemn
duty to be uncompromising on this issue, adhering

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to the notion that the letter of the law came
before personal feeling.

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An opponent of the Bank of the United States,
he tried to reform America's financial system

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by lowering tariffs and promoting free trade.
He also wanted to establish an independent

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Treasury system that gave the U.S. Treasury
control of all federal funds and legal tender.

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He was also in favor of domestic improvements
to infrastructure but believed the projects

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should be primarily the responsibility of
the states. Those were bold steps to be sure,

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but the biggest issue facing his administration
was the Panic of 1837 and the resulting five

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years of depression that followed.
Quite simply, Van Buren had few financial

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tools as president to stop the collapse of
the financial markets. Congress was equally

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helpless. The course correction that was needed
in the market would come only after the banks

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that deserved to fail did fail. The resulting
unemployment was costly across the country

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and made Van Buren very unpopular, as people
laid the blame for much of the trouble squarely

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on the President's shoulders.
By 1840, the Whigs were better organized and

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prepared to deal with Van Buren. The economic
depression that began as soon as he took office

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hurt Van Buren substantially, and the Whigs
laid the blame squarely at the feet of Van

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Buren and at that of his party.
It also helped the Whigs that they had finally

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learned a thing or two about winning elections
from being trounced so many times by the Democrats.

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They knew enough to choose a candidate that
would have mass appeal and around whom a political

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myth could be constructed very similar to
that which had been constructed around Andrew

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Jackson.
What they needed was a decent man, a good

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man, a war hero at the top of their ticket
- someone the masses would respect and accept

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as tough, uncompromising, and patriotic, embodying
all of the American spirit. A man such as

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this at the top of the Whig ticket would,
they hoped, secure them the White House. To

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that end, they nominated General William Henry
Harrison for president.

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Harrison was well-educated and from a good
family, but he was also a war hero and an

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Indian fighter in the same vein as Andrew
Jackson - at least in the minds of the Whigs.

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But as with politics today, Harrison's image
would be molded and shaped to fit the Whig

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agenda; all that was missing was a Vice President
who could secure the South.

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They found such a man in a states' rights
politician named John Tyler, and with that,

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the Whig ticket was set. In one fell swoop,
the Whigs had outmaneuvered the Democrats

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at their own game, choosing symbolism over
the substance of political stalwarts and influential

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statesmen in their own party, including Henry
Clay and Daniel Webster, men who had at one

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time or another ran for president and hacked
away at the popularity of Andrew Jackson and

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his administration's policies.
The strategy would continue into the campaign,

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as the 1840 presidential race would become
characterized as the first political circus,

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meaning it had all the trappings and hoopla
of a modern political campaign. His wealthy,

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slave-owning family past was largely ignored,
and instead Harrison was portrayed as a humble

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man of the people, born and raised in hardship,
even adopting a log cabin as a symbol of his

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campaign.
Hyperbole abounded on both sides as candidates

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were awash with color, flags, and slogans,
such as 'Tippecanoe and Tyler Too,' meant

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to rally the base for the former Indian-fighter
Harrison in much the same way the people rallied

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behind Jackson. It worked. Van Buren's party
could not match this rhetoric, and what is

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more, they had a record that could be criticized
at will. No amount of slogans could erase

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the four years of economic woes, and Harrison
coasted to victory by winning 234 electoral

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votes to Van Buren's 60.
In the eyes of Washington and the American

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public they had just elected a great man,
a true leader of men. But President Harrison

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had no desire to be the kind of leader that
Andrew Jackson was nor involve himself in

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the political minutia as had Van Buren.
By the time of his inauguration he was the

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oldest man to serve in office - only Ronald
Reagan would be older - and his age and experience

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brought wisdom, a wisdom to avoid the fights
and mistakes of those who sought to extend

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executive power beyond what he believed the
founding fathers had intended.

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Simply put, Harrison believed in the strict
separation of powers and had no intention

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of using the veto in a manner similar to Jackson,
essentially giving a Whig-controlled Congress

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the green light to move forward on their agenda.
And so it was after his inauguration that

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Harrison settled down in the White House to
craft an administration far different than

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that which came before, and across the way
in Congress, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster

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eagerly vied for power, knowing that Congress
under Harrison would become more powerful

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than it had been under either Jackson or Van
Buren.

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Whether Harrison could have been an effective
president will never be known, for just a

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few weeks after his inauguration he contracted
pneumonia and died on April 4, 1841. His election

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made him the oldest man at the time to serve
as president, and his untimely death of pneumonia

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made Harrison's term in office the shortest
of any American president, lasting only 30

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days.
As he lay dying, he summoned the energy to

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speak one last time, and we are told he directed
his last words to his vice president, 'Sir,

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I wish you to understand the true principles
of government. I wish them carried out. I

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ask nothing more.' And with that, the ninth
president of the United States, and another

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American hero, had passed.
Thus ended a busy five years, years that saw

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America finally move away from Jacksonian
politics to a new era ushered in by a Whig-controlled

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White House. Van Buren had been an able politician,
but the legacy of Jackson's expanding presidential

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power made the task of dealing with America's
fiscal problems, Indian issues, and unruly

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states difficult for any man who lacked Andrew
Jackson's political force of will and popularity.

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The task of dealing with these issues and
keeping the Union together would now fall

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upon President Tyler, and only time would
tell if he and his party were up to the challenge.


